A new political response is emerging from the tribes in Manipur’s “hill areas,” triggered by what they perceive as the aggressive hegemonic designs of the dominant community to oppress, suppress, exploit, and subjugate the tribals. Let us be clear: the tribes did not start this multi-pronged confrontation that targets tribal lands.
It was initiated by the dominant community through: the demand for ST status for Meiteis with the intent of acquiring tribal lands; the proposed amendment of Article 371-C to dilute existing constitutional safeguards; the push to extend MLR&LR Act to tribal areas; and amendments to the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1971 without any intent to grant substantial self-rule.
All these proposals are Meitei-centric in design, aimed at consolidating control over the tribes.
The Meiteis already wield political dominance and can secure what they want. This was evident in how the State government, alongside the standing counsel of the Union of India, allowed the ST demand case to conclude at the motion stage in the High Court without requesting time or seeking a response.
The oral order of 27th March 2023, kept from the public until 19th April, triggered protests on 3rd May and spiralled into ethnic violence.
Land is deeply emotive—and historically, wars are fought over land. When tribal land is threatened, tribal unity across communities is immediate. The Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes have already demanded a separate administration, while the Nagas are awaiting the outcome of the Framework Agreement. The dominant community’s hegemonic stance is driving even moderate tribal voices towards the idea of separation.
The Hill Areas Were Better Off Earlier
During Manipur’s status as a Part C State, hill areas had stronger constitutional safeguards under Section 52 of the Government of Union Territories Act, 1963. Today, under Article 371-C, the Hill Areas Committee (HAC) has seen its powers curtailed and obstructed, particularly by the Assembly Speaker and State Government. The HAC, Cabinet, and the Tribal Affairs & Hills Department should have been consulted on the ST demand case, which has far-reaching consequences. Yet, no tribal body was involved or even informed. This sidelining reinforces the perception of a Meitei-led conspiracy and manipulation, with devastating fallout. The Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes are already convinced they are better off outside of Manipur. The question is whether the Nagas feel similarly pushed to reconsider their future.
Denial of Sixth Schedule for Hill Areas
For over seven decades, tribal communities have demanded Sixth Schedule protections under Article 244, which are enjoyed by other tribal states like Assam, Mizoram, Meghalaya, and Tripura. Instead, they were given a diluted version through the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1971. Even this weakened framework has not been fully implemented. District Council elections were delayed by 20 years (1990–2010), and once again after 2020. Of 50 years of existence, elected councils have functioned only for 27. The demand for the Sixth Schedule was tricked into dormancy by empty promises in 2001. Now, even the Nagas may be reconsidering their options, including separate administration or integration with Nagaland or Mizoram—both constitutionally possible.
Constitutional Disparity in Local Governance
While valley areas enjoy Panchayati Raj and Nagarpalika systems under Articles 243 to 243ZG, hill areas remain outside this framework. This discrepancy, affecting over 40% of the state’s population, highlights structural discrimination and deep-rooted inequity.
Land Grab and Manipulation
In 2021, the Speaker unconstitutionally inducted nine Meitei MLAs into the HAC, later placing the order merely “in abeyance.” Meanwhile, there is growing pressure to extend the MLR&LR Act to hill areas, which would dismantle the traditional tribal landholding system. Tribes are acutely aware that while this system may hinder economic growth, it is their last defense against dispossession. They are willing to accept economic hardship for the sake of preserving land rights, unless Article 244 is extended with proper legislative safeguards.
Denial of Fair Share of Development Funds
Hill areas rarely receive equitable funding from state plans. Government figures often mask this imbalance by including centrally-funded infrastructure projects under the “hill area” column. Key institutions, infrastructure, and amenities remain valley-centric, while urban growth in hill areas proceeds without adequate planning or civic investment. Towns like Churachandpur and Moreh, where MLR&LR Act has been extended, have seen heightened conflict and destruction during the ongoing violence, reinforcing fears of land alienation.
Second-Class Citizenship
The perception of tribal people as second-class citizens is now deeply entrenched. This is especially stark under President’s Rule. A reward of ₹10 lakh for one missing Meitei man contrasts with no such effort to locate 11 missing Kuki-Zomi-Hmar individuals. President’s Rule was expected to bring impartiality—but has failed.
Delimitation Denial Based on Flawed Logic
The dominant community delayed the delimitation process based on claims of “abnormal” growth in certain tribal sub-divisions. However, the Registrar General of India (RGI) already rectified key figures, and Manipur’s growth rate is comparable to or lower than several other Indian states where delimitation has been completed. The opposition to delimitation is clearly driven by fear of losing assembly seats to the hill areas. Meanwhile, the valley has benefitted from these “extra” seats for four full terms. Now that the RGI has clarified the data, the exercise must proceed regardless of threats or intimidation.
A Deepening Trust Deficit
Ultimately, the biggest casualty has been trust. The dominant community’s control of government institutions, refusal to allow HAC to function, and consistent undermining of constitutional guarantees have deepened the divide. Had the HAC functioned as originally intended, balanced development and better communal harmony might have prevailed. But the manipulation of laws and structures continues to erode hope.
Also Read: Is Mizoram’s free healthcare system already on life support?
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