The saying “nothing changes but change itself” means that while everything else is constantly transforming, change itself remains constant as the driving force of all things. This idea, often attributed to Heraclitus, suggests that continuous change is the only permanent aspect of existence.
Look around the world and see how things have changed and are always changing. Empires have disintegrated in India and states have replaced them. Pseudo-democracy with autocratic tendencies is on the rise around the world. From radios and telegrams, we are now in the digital age with computers and smartphones.
We thought that nothing could be smaller than microchips, but there are nanochips smaller than a grain of rice. Batteries made of rare earth materials last for decades. In a few decades, earthlings could become space travellers seeding planets and moons across the universe and galaxies. President Trump changed the geopolitics to multipolar, and India could become one of them.
Lalu Yadav swore that Jharkhand would be created over his dead body! Jharkhand was bifurcated 25 years back from Bihar, and Lalu Yadav is still alive! No one foresaw that J&K would be downgraded to a UT! There are no permanent boundaries anymore, and the changing geopolitical conditions will keep on evolving, changing the political landscape over time.
The geopolitical situation in Manipur is changing too. The instability in Bangladesh and Myanmar has made the troubled northeastern states ripe for fomenting trouble, and China is, by far, not the friendliest nation.
Population has grown; more rapidly in the “hill areas” and less in the valley. Why? Primarily on account of backwardness, poverty, and poor implementation of family planning programmes due to the indifference of the State government to the welfare of “hill areas”, while the valley, flushed with funds, prospered at the expense of the “hill areas”.
The dominant community controls the State government and deprives the “hill areas” of effective and efficient local self-government by not recommending district councils under Article 244 and having elected district councils under the State Act for only half its lifetime in 50 years.
The proper and effective functioning of the Hill Areas Committee (HAC) constituted under Article 371-C of the Constitution for ensuring “hill areas” get a fair share of development funds and proper governance was obstructed. Had these two instruments for the “hill areas”, given in 1972 when Manipur became a State, been allowed to function properly, better development and governance would have in the “hill areas”.
Securing a fair share of funds by the HAC would have ensured proper implementation of developmental schemes and family planning programmes in “hill areas”.
Manipur State has always been dominated by the Meitei community as they represent the majority population with more than 50% of the State’s population, have 40 MLAs against 20 for “hill areas”, and are an advanced community dominating all walks of life. In short, they control the government and all its machinery.
They denied the HAC their say in deliberating over the State Plan budget for “hill areas” as provided in the Presidential Order dated 20th June 1972 issued under Article 371-C by bypassing it and giving a much smaller share of development funds since 1972. Requisite numbers of posts of teachers, health workers, and various other government functionaries created for “hill areas” were largely diverted and utilised in valley districts on various excuses, neglecting the “hill areas”.
On account of their political clout and financial power, individuals of the dominant community secured all governmental contracts for various works in “hill areas” and placated the tribal contractors with petty sub-contracting works. As a result, governance and implementation of works and schemes in the “hill areas” have suffered since 1972, and most assets exist only on paper or are of inferior quality.
Manipur is now at a stage where the dominant community has started suspecting that the balance of power may be shifting and slipping out of their hands. They blame it on illegal migrants, which may partly be true, but not entirely correct. For more than five decades, the “hill areas” have been denied their fair share of developmental funds, keeping them backwards, which resulted in rapid tribal population growth.
The tribes were tricked into thinking that several jobs had been created for “hill areas”, but they were diverted and utilised in the valley, leading to neglect of education and health care in the “hill areas”. Basic services like water supply and power supply exist only in records. Road connectivity is mainly in the fair-weather road category. Under such a situation, the hegemonic mindset of the dominant community has remained unchanged, inviting trouble.
The aggressive demands of the Meitei community targeting tribal lands in “hill areas” have created the impression that they are still thinking of carrying on their hegemonic agenda of suppressing, oppressing, exploiting, and subjugating the tribes. Such an agenda has achieved nothing but sown the seeds in the minds of tribal people to break away from Manipur.
Education and the internet have opened up the minds of the tribes, and they are fully aware of their backwardness, potential for the future, and their constitutional rights. Manipulated data of high flow of funds for “hill areas” and condescending utterances of “hills and valley are one” will no longer convince them that the dominant community has had a change of heart.
They know the intentions of the dominant community when they ask for ST status, extension of the MLR&LR Act, amendment of Article 371-C, and redrawing of district boundaries for administrative convenience — all of which are aimed at usurping tribal lands in “hill areas”. Rubbing salt into the wound, they have been denying the Sixth Schedule under Article 244 for the “hill areas” and are now opposing the direction of the Supreme Court to carry out the constitutional delimitation exercise based on Census 2001, which is likely to benefit the “hill areas” by three assembly seats.
However, the dominant community should know that perpetuating suppression, oppression, exploitation, and subjugation of the tribes will no longer be acceptable to the tribes. There are options available to the tribes, and one is to ask for separate administration.
The Kuki-Zo tribes have learnt their lessons the hard way in the ongoing ethnic conflict with the Meitei community and want to separate from Manipur. The Nagas of Manipur are ambivalent about their future in Manipur and do not know what the “Framework Agreement” has in store for them. But they realise that they stand to lose their tribal lands in “hill areas” if they continue to be part of Manipur.
The Nagas know that, in the event, a separate administration is given to the Kuki-Zo tribes, their power equation vis-à-vis the Meitei community will become weaker, and they will be isolated and bullied by the Meitei community. Both the tribal groups fear losing their tribal lands in “hill areas” to the Meitei community if they remain part of Manipur and know that it is better if they separate from Manipur.
However, considering the emerging situation, both Naga and Kuki groups may start realising that it would be more advantageous for them to stay in Manipur and counter the designs of the Meitei community as a united tribal group. Ironically, five decades of maladministration and deprivation of benefits to the “hill areas” resulted in rapid population growth which may upset the political power equation in the State.
To remove illegal migrants from Manipur, the NRC (National Register of Citizens) should be implemented. But it may become a very long drawn-out affair and only serve to delay and complicate the next Census exercise slated for the year after 2026. The die is cast, and the next Census could exacerbate the chasm between the dominant community and the tribes.
There is, however, another path — it’s called coexistence. This path requires the dominant community to assuage the fear of the tribes that they will stop targeting tribal lands in “hill areas” by giving up their attempts to become ST, to amend Article 371-C, to extend the MLR&LR Act to “hill areas”, and to redraw district boundaries on the pretext of administrative convenience.
On top of these, the dominant community has to facilitate the grant of Article 244 along with legislative powers over land in “hill areas” and laws relating to tribal traditions and culture. In return, the tribes can allow themselves to be persuaded to make land laws in “hill areas” to facilitate settlements in conclaves and economic activities on hill slopes for all citizens.
Such land use laws for “hill areas” would need to be formulated by the autonomous district/territorial councils under the guidance of the HAC and passed by the councils themselves. It’s a recipe for power-sharing and land-sharing.
Things are more or less clear. The path forward is a forked road — one that leads to separation and the other to coexistence. The first road will enable them to rid of the tribes and develop their beloved “Sanaleibak Manipur” into a Singapore-type State without any baggage.
The next road is narrow and difficult, entailing several compromises and adjustments by all stakeholders including forgiveness and burying the hatchet. The dominant Meitei community is in the driver’s seat, and it is for them to steer the State on the road they decide to take. God bless the driver!
Views expressed are that of the author and do not reflect EastMojo’s view on this or any other matter.
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