Recently, several media outlets reported on a 23-year-old nanny from Manipur accusing her employers of illegal confinement, starvation and abuse. The accused is the wife of a professor at the Indian Institute of Management Bangalore.
To many outside the Northeast community, the incident may come as a shock, but to us, the news is not new; in fact, it is a familiar story, except that it rarely reaches the mainstream media.
The incident once again exposes the structural precarity, invisibility and racialised vulnerability experienced by Northeast migrants in Indian cities.
As professionals from the Northeast working in Bengaluru for over a decade, in a slightly privileged position, it is a regular occurrence to receive calls from our fellow brothers and sisters seeking advice regarding salaries withheld by their employers, forced eviction from rented apartments, exploitative working conditions, racial slurs, among other issues.
While some remain silent and endure such treatment, others return home, highlighting the absence of institutional support.
A large number of migrants from the Northeastern states come to metropolitan cities like Bengaluru, with many of them engaged in the IT, hospitality, retail and beauty sectors.
A 2025 Labour Department report stated that 85 per cent of migrant workers in Karnataka come from six states, with the Northeastern state of Assam also featuring on this list. Bengaluru’s hospitality and service industry especially thrives on migrant workers from Northeast India.
A 2019 study by Kikon and Karlsson states that English language skills, a general cosmopolitan outlook and fair complexion have proven to be key assets for securing jobs in the hospitality industry.
The extent of this dependence became particularly visible during the 2012 “Northeast Exodus”, when thousands of Northeast migrants fled cities like Bengaluru following fears of reprisal attacks linked to violence in Assam.
The sudden departure exposed how deeply the hospitality and service economy relied on Northeast workers, with several restaurants, salons and small businesses forced to temporarily shut down due to staff shortages.
Fast forward to today, while the “Northeast Exodus” may be seen as a past crisis, the structural vulnerabilities faced by migrant workers remain largely unchanged.
Many work long hours, often till late at night, with no transportation provided. Beyond workplace exploitation, this vulnerability also exposes many migrants, especially women, to more dangerous forms of abuse.
There have also been increasing reports of trafficking and sexual exploitation involving women working in spas and salons. One has to wonder how many more are trapped in such exploitative conditions.
When such news comes to the spotlight, questions about why these women take up jobs in such industries arise, and accusations against the victim become more prominent than the underlying problems.
The majority of these women belong to low-income families, with little to no education, and opportunities back home are limited; hence, the promise of opportunities and even modest wages becomes very hard to pass up.
When they reach these cities, they know very little about the city, culture or language, and are often forced to rely on their employers, creating massive power imbalances. There is very little to no formal orientation on issues such as migration, labour rights, emergency services or legal protection in the host cities.
In many metropolitan cities, migrants from the Northeastern states register themselves with community organisations, churches and student bodies such as the Bangalore Mizo Association, the Bangalore Naga Students’ Organisation and similar Northeast associations.
These groups often function as informal welfare networks, providing assistance in cases of emergencies or distress, employment, medical necessities, accommodation, etc. However, there are several constraints that limit their effectiveness.
As advisors to one of these community networks, we have witnessed several examples of such constraints, including limited resources and heavy reliance on volunteer efforts.
Beyond Welfare and NGOs – What Can the State Do?
Beyond relying on the goodwill of Northeastern community networks and the limited funds and reach of NGOs, associations and individuals, there is a pressing need for the Northeastern states to adopt a more systematic and proactive approach, taking greater responsibility for the welfare and support of their people living across the country.
Many Northeasterners who come from close-knit communities and regions that have long operated under the protection of the Inner Line Permit (ILP) system are often more vulnerable to racial slurs, discrimination, language barriers and other forms of exclusion when they move to other parts of the country.
In this context, Northeastern states should bear greater responsibility for ensuring the welfare and protection of their populations outside the region.
Since state associations already act as an important support system for Northeastern migrants but often lack institutional backing, funding and formal recognition, state governments in the Northeast can consider strengthening and financially supporting these associations operating in metropolitan cities.
This could ensure that the associations function more systematically as intermediaries between migrants and state institutions, while also improving migrants’ access to information, welfare services and emergency assistance.
Additionally, the creation of dedicated migrant support cells and legal aid mechanisms by Northeastern state governments in metropolitan cities could provide more structured assistance to migrants facing any kind of vulnerability.
The recent allegation of abuse once again puts a spotlight on the necessity of such accountability. One has to wonder whether she could have received support much earlier if a stronger support mechanism had existed.
Could regular welfare checks, accessible complaint systems or stronger domestic worker protections have prevented months of isolation and abuse? Could she have called for help earlier if there had been a mechanism to support her?
These questions go far beyond one individual case. Who is responsible for the wellbeing of these migrants?
Views expressed are that of the author and do not reflect EastMojo’s stance on this or any other issue. Dr Embassy Lawbei teaches at the Department of Liberal Arts, CHRIST University. Dr Namrata Borkotoky teaches at the Department of Liberal Arts, CHRIST University.
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