Never-ending wait: Will Nagaland women make history on March 2?

Where are the women legislators of Nagaland?

This question has been asked multiple times, but somehow, the answer remains elusive and as we head into the 2023 state assembly elections, Nagaland maintains a record it is definitely not proud of: the state, in its entire history, has never had a woman MLA. Will that change this year and if yes, who will make history?

After political parties released their candidate list, it became evident that four women are in the fray out of 183 candidates for 60 seats. The coalition ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) has three candidates, while the opposition Indian National Congress (INC) has one candidate.

The Naga People’s Front (NPF), a regional party and one of Nagaland’s oldest parties that have been in power in the state for several previous terms, has never fielded a female candidate in previous elections and it is no different this time.

The women are: Hekhani Jakhalu (NDPP) from Dimapur 3, Kahuli Sema from Atoizu (BJP), Rosy Thomson (INC) from Tenning and Salhoutuonuo Kruse (NDPP) from West Angami.    

In 2018 too, four women ran for office, which might seem so bad but the number has never crossed single digits. In most of the elections, it was zero. Despite a wave of women entering electoral politics in the aftermath of the reservation demand and the state’s first female Rajya Sabha member being elected unopposed in 2022, women politicians remained small in number. 

‘Tradition’ to blame? 

In this election, the number of candidates was expected to go up, but it did not. 

But despite the disappointment of previous elections, this time people are hopeful that female candidates will change history. 

The Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), the federation of indigenous women in Nagaland, appealed to presidents of political parties to ensure space for women candidates to contest in the coming elections by issuing them their party tickets. The NMA’s appeal underlined that this is the time for political parties to prove their manifestos of gender equality and women’s empowerment. 

The appeal stated that there couldn’t be a better time to give an opportunity to Naga women to contest and represent them in the Nagaland Legislative Assembly.

NMA President Abei-U-Meru agreed that few women who came out to contest elections do not have much chance of winning for obvious reasons: muscle power, support, resources, etc. 

Fortunately, unlike previous years, the Mothers’ president stated that this time, the candidates are ‘strong and capable’ and ‘most of them (the five) have a winning chance.’

According to the NMA president, one of the reasons women find it difficult to win elections is that aside from traditional customs or resources, they lack in capacity and calibre.

Furthermore, in most cases, female candidates were neither popular nor capable of winning. “This time, though, it is different,” she said. “They are educated, well exposed outside, and have a lot of potential,” she added. 

Meru, however, expressed disappointment at the number of candidates. “We expected more candidates this time,” she lamented, “but I don’t know what happened.”

The Mothers’ president appealed to female voters to vote for the female candidate. 

The absence of women’s representation is obvious in traditional bodies such as tribe-based organisations, where, customarily, women are either not allowed or un-welcomed to be members or leaders.

Though women were not prohibited from contesting per se, traditions and customs that do not allow women in decision-making have become so ingrained that women find it difficult. The general public, too, is perplexed that women are contesting elections and potentially taking over the man’s domain.

A long fight for representation

It may be recalled that given women’s invisibility and lack of representation in politics, the Naga Mother’s Association, in 2011, filed a writ petition in the Gauhati High Court. The Association sought direction from the Nagaland government, the State Election Commission, and the Urban Commissioner to hold elections to municipal and town councils throughout Nagaland with one-third of seats reserved for women under Article 243 T (3) and Section 23A of the Nagaland Municipal (First Amendment) Act, 2006. The state government also earmarked 82 wards to be reserved for women.

In October 2011, the court directed the State Election Commission to hold civic polls on or before January 2012. It was pronounced that “the reasons cited in the cabinet decision do not amount to exceptional circumstances for postponement of the election and cannot be sustained.” It also stated that a notice for a new election before the term’s expiration had been issued by notification in November 2009.

Objecting to this judgement, state officials subsequently filed an affidavit and asked for an extension to implement the court order. Both the cabinet decision (in December 2009) and the stand adopted by state officials (petitioner of the affidavit in opposition) on the representations and memoranda received from tribal apex bodies like the Naga Hoho, the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organization, maintained that if elections were held (and if women were to contest), it would lead to a law and order situation. 

They cited a fragile environment amid the ongoing reconciliation and peace process between the Center and underground groups. They also mentioned that the committee to review the Municipal Act had not submitted its report.

The objection further noted that in 2008, when an attempt was made to conduct municipal elections in Mokokchung with 33 per cent reservations for women, there was stiff opposition from the general public and civil society, resulting in the exercise being called off.

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Officials also submitted that the NMA had no locus standi to apply to a court, citing that it was an unregistered body. The state, they added, had no objection to the petitioners’ or their mothers’ candidacy, so no legal right violation occurred.

The demand for 33% reservation led to a major crisis in the state, with violent events witnessed in 2017, when the whole state came to a standstill for weeks, leading to the death of two youths. The urban local body election has been withheld for years now.

The matter became a controversial issue in the state, with various tribe organisations opposing it, quoting Article 371(A) which grants special provisions to Nagaland, protects the state and overrides the 74th Amendment (Clause IV), which mandates a 33 per cent reservation for women in civic bodies. A special provision under Constitution Article 371-A provides a safeguard for the religious or social practices of the Nagas. As such, women cannot be welcomed into the governing bodies.

Over recent years, the state government, civil society organisations (CSOs) and Hoho (tribal bodies) have taken steps to arrive at a common understanding.

In 2022, a consultative meeting of the state and CSOs convened by Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio-led government unanimously recommended that the pending elections to civic bodies in Nagaland be conducted according to the 74th Amendment Act of the Constitution of India, which mandates 33% reservation for women.

The President of Naga Hoho HK Zhimomi, while stating that a common understanding has evolved, cautioned that the problem is one of “adjustment,” such as, whether certain constituencies (wards earmarked for reservation) would be willing to adjust (offer the seat) for the reservation.

“We (men) have nothing against women contesting. “We are not denying the rights of the women; we respect their rights,” he said. 

The president stated that the demand for women’s reservations is not or was not made by any Naga or the Naga people, but by a system under the Indian Constitution that has led to such demands.

According to Zhimomi, the reservation would indicate that the Naga society is non-egalitarian: “If we take it or think about it literally, the reservation would mean we are not equal—men and women are not equal.” Stating that a person seeking quotas is not equal to the other.”Reservation for women would mean they are not equal to men.” That would imply that Naga society is unequal—literally,” Zhimomi explained, which, according to the Hoho president, is not the case. 

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“Women are equal to men; they should contest. Rather than seeking quotas, women must fight for election and fight on an equal footing,” opined the Hoho President.

“Nagas have high respect for women, and if a reservation is good for the women, we (menfolk) do not have objections,” said the Hoho president.

The Hoho president stated that “there was a misunderstanding” regarding the issue of women’s reservation demand and the events that led to the 2017 incident (opposition to a municipal election with women’s reservation, which resulted in violent protest). He said that was a “communication gap” among CSOs, the state government, women’s groups, and the general public at large. Zhimomi recalled that in 2017, there was no dialogue or common consensus about the 33% reservation among the general public, or CSos, as the President recalled. He is confident that a violent incident like the one in 2017 would not happen again as far as women’s reservations are concerned.

Meru, the president of NMA, believes things are being resolved. “Hopefully, municipal elections will be held soon,” said the women’s president. “The government has given the court permission to hold the election with the reservation,” she added.

As of now, the NMA has put the demand for 33% reservation in municipal bodies on hold and is in the process of closing the court case.”When the CSOs, public, and government have come together to find a consensus to resolve the matter, there is no point in further pursuing the case,” said Meru.

Beyond the civic bodies, the Naga mothers are not campaigning for the next level of the state assembly or Lok Sabha reservation. “We have yet to materialise the implementation in local bodies; the state assembly is still a long way off,” the President said, adding, “It is not even passed in parliament. We are not getting into that.”  

According to the Naga Mother’s president, reservation in local bodies is a constitution passed in parliament. “We are demanding what is a constitutional and constitutional mandate,” the Naga Mothers’ President reiterated. 

As far as elections are concerned, the state government is not independent, the Hoho president reasoned. So election to the municipal bodies with or without reservation would be the centre’s prerogative.

The cause for withholding election to the municipal bodies, which has been long overdue for more than 10 years, “is not about women’s reservation; there are other reasons,” said Hoho Vice President Zhimomi.

Zhimomi disagreed with the argument that women are debarred from joining politics or that political parties favour men. As per the Hoho president’s opinion, women feel insecure and are not confident enough to come out and contest.

“Why should political parties give tickets at random when no women are coming out or no women intend to run for office?”Just for the sake of tokenism?” questioned Zhimomi. He added, “If women are not willing nor wish to contest, how can political parties just offer tickets to them?”

According to Zhimomi, women must accept responsibility and blame for not running for office or showing up to vote.”There is no objection from us (men’s folk),” he said. “Rather we encourage them. They (women) are far superior to many men,” he added. 

The challenges and setbacks faced by women are no doubt much greater than what men face in society. Aside from the resources, the viability is bleak. For one, they require financial resources and human capital. Moreover, women leaders like Abu-Meru feel that “education, exposure, and experience” are three important qualities that women often lack.

Tradition and customs continue to be a major impediment and a challenge. Moral support is a huge asset for women to have in electoral politics. Customarily, women are neither supposed to nor expected to be at the forefront of governing and decision-making bodies; thus, their absence in electoral representation is accepted as a normal phenomenon. Even as many have broken the glass ceiling, customs and traditions still play a major role when it comes to elections and women’s place in government and decision-making platforms.

Congress Mahila President N. Lucy says, “Family support is very crucial and important for women to be in electoral politics.” Even though Lucy has been with the Congress party or a political worker for many years (she didn’t count the years), she didn’t seek a ticket or make plans to contest an election.

“It isn’t easy or so simple,” she said, explaining that “it’s not only about finance or resources; it’s also about support from one’s party and, most importantly, from families.”

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Moreover, Lucy said that she “didn’t come from a political background.” As a social activist, she slowly entered politics with the influence and motivation of her friends.

For Lucy, the motivation to join politics is her belief that, outside the domestic spheres, one can impact and do more work—highlighting women’s issues on a larger and bigger platform. Lucy believes that a political platform can bring change and development.

Lucy also agrees that it is not only about quantity or the number of women contesting that is an indicator of women’s empowerment, but also “quality.” Lucy concurs this time that the female candidates are capable of winning.

Nagaland state women are found to be actively involved in campaigning and also participate in large numbers to exercise their franchise. The gender elector population ratio stands at 1000 males and 1002 females.

Nonetheless, expectations are high this time. Naga’s Mother’s president, Abei-U-Meru said she expects more than one woman legislator this time.

Nagaland is confident that a woman legislator is surely on its way. It is not only about quantity or the number of women contesting but of “quality.” And there are signs in the Nagaland election this time. 

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