The recent violence accompanying the proposed mass burial of Kuki tribals at Boljiang village in Churachandpur has once again highlighted the deep divide between the dominant Meitei community and the minority Kuki-Zomi community.
The Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), an umbrella body of Meitei groups opposed the move, claiming that the chosen burial site was government land and near the homes of Meitei families displaced during the Manipur violence. In the fracas that followed, some Meitei protestors were injured when the Assam Rifles and Rapid Action Force used tear gas to disperse the unruly crowd.
While no fatalities occurred that day, a couple of days later, there was news of three Meiteis killed in an attack on a Meitei village by Kuki militants. Additionally, there were reports of two Kuki village guards killed in gunfire between the tribal-dominated hills and Meitei-dominated valley areas. With these fresh casualties, the death toll rises, and the divide continues to grow. The longer this situation persists, the more challenging it will become for both groups to reconcile.
I believe this will compel the Indian Government to consider a separate administration for the Kuki-Zomi as the most reasonable option due to the intractability of the ground situation.
In news reports and interviews conducted by multiple channels with people on the ground, the narrative portraying the Kuki-Zomi as illegal immigrants and narco-terrorists is not only prevalent but also appears to be growing stronger within the Meitei community.
The most recent illustration of this phenomenon is an interview with former IPS officer Thounaojam Brinda, who stated that the current conflict revolves around the broader interests of the people of Manipur (specifically the Meitei) against those of the narcotics mafia (associated with the Kuki). She further accused the Kuki of exploiting the victim card in this conflict, effectively labelling them as the aggressors.
Brinda, recognised for her staunch stance against the drug trade, had confronted Manipur Chief Minister Biren Singh, whom she accused of shielding a drug lord. Consequently, she resigned from her position and attempted to contest the 2022 election, which she ultimately lost. Considering that an individual who held a responsible position could harbour such divisive opinions, the path to reconciliation becomes not only challenging but almost insurmountable.
Let us assume that the Government of India decides not to grant separate administration to the Kuki-Zomi, maintaining the status quo regarding their political status. The primary and most fundamental concern arising from this decision would pertain to their safety. Given the already evident partial role played by the Manipur state government and the State police in the conflict, the risk to the lives of ordinary Kuki citizens who may be compelled to travel to Imphal for education, employment, or business would remain constant.
Even if the state and the police are not directly involved in the violence, they are unlikely to take proactive measures to curb it. Instead, those caught in violent incidents may be unjustly labelled as drug peddlers and illegal immigrants.
Due to these potential threats, the Kuki-Zomi population could be compelled to stay in the hills. This situation would not pose a significant issue if resources and development were distributed equitably across the State. However, this is not the current reality.
A review of the 2021 North Eastern Region District SDG Index Report & Dashboard for 2021-22 clearly reveals the disparities existing between the Meitei-dominated districts in the valley and the tribal-dominated districts in the hills.
The report ranked nine districts of Manipur as follows: Thoubal, Imphal East, Imphal West, Bishnupur, Chandel, Churachandpur, Senapati, Tamenglong, and Ukhrul, based on their progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. The recently established districts of Jiribam, Kakching, Kamjong, Kangpokpi, Noney, Pherzawl, and Tengnoupa were not ranked in this particular document.
An observation that becomes quite evident from the individual rankings of these districts is that the valley districts outperform the hill districts by a significant margin. Among the valley districts, Imphal West secured the highest rank at the 13th position, while Thoubal, the lowest-ranked valley district, was placed at the 29th position.
Conversely, the highest-ranking hill district was Chandel at the 44th position, with the lowest-ranking hill district being Tamenglong at the 65th position. On average, the gap between the valley districts and the hill districts is nearly doubled.
Based on the NITI Aayog report, one can reasonably argue that the dominant Meitei community has displayed a notable reluctance to equitably share development gains with the tribal populations in the state, whether they are Naga or Kuki-Zomi.
This tendency is likely to become even more pronounced in the future, particularly concerning the Kuki-Zomi districts. Consequently, these districts are very likely to experience a deprivation of funds, which could further relegate the Kuki-Zomi to the status of second-class citizens within the state.
There are those who contend that the observed disparity is solely due to topographic factors and is not indicative of discrimination against the tribal communities. However, the NITI Aayog’s findings reveal that Sikkim holds the highest rank among North Eastern states, with Mizoram also ranking higher than Manipur.
Hence, the argument based on topography appears to be unfounded and designed to shift blame away from the Manipur government, which has traditionally been dominated by the Meitei community residing in the valley.
By maintaining the current political status quo, will the Indian government effectively subject the Kuki-Zomi population to a future of potential violence or relegation to second-class citizenship? This is a question that the Indian government will likely have to address in the near future.
If separate administration were granted to the Kuki-Zomi, there would likely be various repercussions.
Interestingly, in my opinion, this could ultimately lead to a beneficial impact on overall security in the region over the long term.
One certain outcome would be that if the Kuki-Zomi were granted separate administration, the Nagas might also demand the same treatment. A potential solution could align with the aspirations both the Naga and Kuki-Zomi groups have held for a considerable duration – merging the respective tribal-dominated areas with Nagaland and Mizoram.
Such a move would satisfy the desires of both groups, with the Nagas achieving a unified Nagalim and the Kuki-Zomi attaining a unified Zo-land. These aspirations have played a significant role in fueling the insurgency in the region.
The Naga community is already engaged in discussions with the Government of India, and the integration of Naga areas is a prominent demand. This alignment could lead to a degree of satisfaction within the Naga community, thereby potentially lowering tensions.
Furthermore, if the Kuki-Zomi areas were integrated with Mizoram, it might contribute to a peace dividend similar to what Mizoram has experienced. This integration could also help reduce if not completely halt, the scale of insurgency among the Kuki-Zomi population. Consequently, the prospects for long-term peace could become more plausible.
In the short term, the move could face security challenges from the Meitei community, which might be angered by such a decision. However, even this potential challenge could be managed and controlled in the long run.
The Meitei community still harbours significant grievances regarding the manner in which the merger with India occurred, and the aspiration for an independent Manipur, or Kangleipak, remains a powerful driving force. Within this context, the territorial boundaries of present-day Manipur hold paramount importance, as the Meitei population believes this region rightfully belongs to them, despite their confinement to the valley.
Any infringement upon this perceived territorial integrity of their “homeland” would undoubtedly provoke severe reactions. However, those seeking to reclaim it would face an immense challenge.
Such challengers would not only have to contend with the might of the Indian state but also with the states of Nagaland and Mizoram. These entities, supported by both official institutions and heavily armed non-state actors, would form a formidable opposition.
The only viable recourse might involve appealing to the Naga and Kuki-Zomi communities to return to Manipur. Yet, given their experiences of deprivation, it remains doubtful whether they would agree to such a proposition.
In the eventual absence of a realized “Kangleipak,” the Meitei struggle might lose its core purpose. Over time, this struggle could potentially wane or transform into criminal activities, detrimental to the Meitei community. While some individuals may choose to persist in their fight, many might be compelled to reconcile with the new status quo. Although there may be lingering discontent, the cessation of violence could ultimately provide a measure of relief.
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For those deeply concerned about preserving the territorial integrity of Manipur, it is imperative to pursue a path that avoids escalation. This can be achieved through a call for peace in the state, refraining from demonizing the Kuki-Zomi community, and fostering an environment of mutual understanding. The hope is that the Kuki-Zomi community will reciprocate and engage in constructive dialogue. However, if the current rhetoric remains unchanged, there is a risk that the Kuki-Zomi stance will further harden.
It is important to recognise that the Indian Government is unlikely to permit any form of ethnic cleansing, especially given the issue’s global visibility. While pride may currently play a significant role, a solution can only be attained through humility and a willingness to seek common ground. In this context, the Meitei community, which is concerned about the territorial integrity of the State, has a crucial role to play in setting a positive example. Failing this, if tensions persist and bloodshed continues, the option of separate administration and the trifurcation of the state might become the only viable solution to prevent further violence in the short as well as the long run.
(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organization or institution)
Also Read | Opinion: Can ‘disarmament’ solve the Manipur crisis?
If separate administration was not inevitable after the Kuki-Naga Clash of 1992-98, Kuki-Paite Clash of 1997-98, Kuki-Karbi Clash of 2003 where thousands of lives were lost, hundreds of villages uprooted according to Kuki accounts, why seperate administration inevitable only now?