The public apology issued by Surita, founder of travel agency MuroMuri, following a controversy over her remarks about the Mizo community has brought renewed attention to the relationship between Mizos and Chakmas in Mizoram.
The controversy began after excerpts from a recent interview with a podcaster circulated on social media, drawing criticism over her comments on Mizo men and women, marriage practices, occupations and their roles in society. Her remarks about alleged discrimination against Chakmas also became a subject of debate.
In a statement shared on social media, Surita apologised to the Central Young Mizo Association (CYMA) and its branches, the Association of Tour Operators of Mizoram (ATOM), the Mizoram Tour Guide Association (MTGA), apex civil society and student organisations, families and the general public.
Describing her remarks about Mizo society as “ill-informed generalisations”, she acknowledged that she had spoken about matters without adequate knowledge.
She also clarified that her comments about discrimination against the Chakma community were based on things she had heard rather than personal experience.
“I was repeating unverified things I had only heard in passing,” she said.
Surita further claimed that she had been pressured, both on and off camera, to speak about sensitive subjects she did not want to engage with. She said she had asked the content creator to remove those segments, but accepted full responsibility for the words she had spoken.
Following the controversy, the Mizoram Tour Guide Association announced that it would no longer collaborate with Surita or her travel agency, MuroMuri. The Tlabung branch of the Young Mizo Association also declared that she would no longer be welcome in the town.
While the apology addresses the immediate controversy, it has also brought attention to questions about the Chakma community’s place in Mizoram, its autonomous governance structure and the development challenges faced by people living in southern parts of the state.
Here is a look at the background.
Who are the Chakmas in Mizoram?
The Chakmas are one of the major tribal communities in Northeast India, with populations spread across Mizoram, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, West Bengal and other parts of the region.
According to the 2011 Census, Mizoram has approximately 92,850 Chakmas, making them the state’s second-largest ethnic community after the Mizo.
The Chakma Autonomous District Council (CADC), headquartered at Kamalanagar, also known as Chawngte C, in Lawngtlai district, was established on April 29, 1972, under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.
The council was created to provide a degree of self-governance to the Chakma community, allowing it to administer specified local matters while protecting its cultural and social identity.
The Chakma population is not entirely concentrated within the CADC. Chakma families also live in other parts of Mizoram.
However, the CADC remains the principal institutional body representing the community’s autonomous administration.
Why is the Chakma region considered underdeveloped?
The development gap in the CADC becomes apparent when its headquarters, Kamalanagar, and surrounding villages are compared with other parts of Mizoram.
In an EastMojo ground report published on June 19, 2026, titled Minority within a minority: What Chawngte revealed about Mizoram’s Chakmas, the contrast between three adjoining settlements was documented.
Chawngte is divided into three areas: Chawngte L, which falls under Lunglei district; Chawngte P, which falls under Lawngtlai district and is inhabited by the Lai community; and Chawngte C, also known as Kamalanagar, which serves as the headquarters of the CADC.
The differences in infrastructure were visible even between these neighbouring settlements. While Chawngte L had metalled roads, many roads in Chawngte C had never been tarred.
Access to healthcare was another concern. Residents of Kamalanagar often had to travel to Lunglei for medical treatment, covering long distances on roads that were in poor condition.
The report also highlighted the financial constraints faced by the council. According to information submitted by the CADC to the Mizoram Governor, the Second Mizoram State Finance Commission had recommended that the council receive 25.04 per cent of the total share earmarked for autonomous district councils, but the actual allocations had fallen short.
The council had also raised concerns over the exclusion of 33 development proposals from the state government’s priority list and the pending sanction of Rs 118.75 crore under the Border Area Development Programme.
The report highlighted a wider problem: despite being part of Mizoram, the Chakma-inhabited region has not experienced development at the same pace as several other parts of the state.
What does the literacy gap reveal?
Education is among the most significant indicators of the development disparity.
Mizoram was recognised as India’s first fully literate state under the ULLAS initiative. However, EastMojo’s reporting has highlighted considerable differences in educational outcomes across districts and communities.
In its June 2026 report, EastMojo cited a literacy rate of 46.4 per cent for the CADC, compared with the state’s 98.2 per cent.
The gap is particularly concerning given the limited educational infrastructure and shortage of opportunities available to students in remote areas.
An earlier EastMojo investigation, published on May 27, 2025, titled How is Mizoram ‘fully literate’ with districts worse than national average?, examined the disparity in educational outcomes across southern Mizoram.
The report found that Lawngtlai had some of the weakest educational indicators in the state. As of 2022, the district had only seven medical doctors for a population of more than 1.17 lakh, while Lunglei had 26 doctors for a slightly higher population.
The investigation also identified challenges in teacher availability, the quality of teaching, the medium of instruction and the functioning of government schools.
A subsequent report published on April 24, 2026, titled What the HSLC results leave out: The politics of education in Lawngtlai, examined the persistent problems in the district’s school education system.
In the 2024 HSLC examinations, seven of the 18 schools in Mizoram that recorded a 100 per cent failure rate were located in Lawngtlai district.
The report also raised concerns about alleged political interference in teacher appointments and the use of school employment as a means of securing political support in the autonomous district councils.
While these findings cover the wider Lawngtlai district, they provide context for the educational challenges in the CADC and neighbouring areas.
Does the language of instruction affect Chakma employment opportunities?
One of the more complicated issues affecting young people in the CADC is the relationship between mother-tongue education and access to government employment.
Schools within the council’s jurisdiction have traditionally used Chakma as the medium of instruction. However, proficiency in Mizo is a compulsory requirement for most state government positions.
The Mizoram Public Service Commission lists knowledge of Mizo up to the prescribed middle-school standard among the eligibility requirements for Group A, B and C posts.
This creates an additional hurdle for young people educated primarily in Chakma, particularly those who have had limited exposure to Mizo during their schooling.
EastMojo’s June 19, 2026, ground report examined how this language divide can restrict employment opportunities for educated Chakma youth.
The report also highlighted efforts to establish a Mizo language learning centre in Kamalanagar to help bridge the gap.
The issue raises an important policy question: how can the state preserve mother-tongue education while ensuring that students from autonomous council areas have equal access to opportunities in the wider state?
Introducing Mizo-language instruction alongside Chakma education could help students acquire the language skills needed for further education and employment without abandoning their mother tongue.
What are the healthcare challenges in Chakma-inhabited areas?
Healthcare access is another area where geographical isolation and inadequate infrastructure have a direct impact on people’s lives.
In its June 6, 2025, report, The real stories behind Mizoram’s Infant Mortality success, EastMojo documented the conditions at Ajasora, a remote village in the Chawngte subdivision of Lawngtlai district.
The village has around 680 residents and 125 households. However, its health centre serves 11 surrounding communities, catering to more than 7,000 people.
Healthcare workers described frequent electricity disruptions, inadequate facilities and difficulties reaching patients during the monsoon.
Power cuts sometimes lasted for weeks, while roads became inaccessible for three to four months during the rainy season. Residents had to travel by boat when flooding cut off road connections.
The Ajasora Health Centre also faced difficulties providing maternal and newborn care because of inadequate electricity and equipment.
The situation improved after solar power was introduced through the efforts of the SELCO Foundation in December 2024.
The report illustrated how healthcare workers in remote communities often have to provide essential services despite limited infrastructure and resources.
How are people with disabilities affected?
The development gap is even more pronounced for people with disabilities.
In September 2026, EastMojo published A World Sans Braille: How Northeast’s visually challenged people were left behind, examining the challenges faced by visually impaired people in Meghalaya and Mizoram.
In Kamalanagar, the report documented the experience of Hogon, a visually impaired young man who lost much of his eyesight following an eye infection during childhood.
Despite completing his Class XII examinations, he struggled to continue his degree at Government Kamalanagar College. During the COVID-19 pandemic, online classes required him to use screens that caused pain to his eyes, eventually forcing him to discontinue his studies.
He now earns a living collecting sand from the Tuichawng river.
When asked whether access to Braille could have helped him continue his education, he had never heard of the system.
Suhas Chakma, founder of the Chakma Development Foundation of India, told EastMojo that Braille remained largely unknown and unaffordable for people in the community.
He also said that neither the state government nor the CADC had adequately addressed the educational requirements of visually impaired children.
The report highlighted how disability, poverty, geographical isolation and the lack of specialised educational facilities can combine to limit opportunities.
What is the history of the Mizo-Chakma relationship?
The relationship between Mizos and Chakmas is shaped by a longer history involving migration, political representation, territorial administration and questions of identity.
In an EastMojo opinion article published on August 28, 2025, titled What does belonging mean for Chakmas living in Mizoram?, the historical and political dimensions of the relationship were examined.
The article traced the presence of Chakma-inhabited villages in the Lushai Hills to the colonial period. In 1892, under an order issued by Sir Charles Elliot, Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, Chakma-inhabited villages near Demagiri were transferred to the Lushai Hills.
The article also examined the formation of the Pawi-Lakher Regional Council in 1953 and its eventual division in 1972, which led to the establishment of the Lai, Mara and Chakma Autonomous District Councils.
Despite constitutional protections under the Sixth Schedule, the Chakma council has remained part of a wider political debate over autonomy, representation and identity in Mizoram.
The article also examined tensions surrounding the political representation of Chakmas, including reactions to the academic achievements of a young Chakma doctor who performed well in the NEET-PG examination in 2025.
These discussions illustrate that questions of belonging and representation have existed beyond the recent controversy involving Surita.
What are the challenges within the CADC administration itself?
The development situation cannot be examined solely through the relationship between the state government and the autonomous council. The functioning of the CADC itself is also an important part of the picture.
The council has experienced repeated changes in political leadership, shifting alliances and periods of administrative uncertainty.
In June 2025, EastMojo reported the removal of the BJP-led executive committee headed by Molin Kumar Chakma following a no-confidence motion.
In June 2026, the BJP and Zoram People’s Movement (ZPM) subsequently joined hands to form a new alliance in the council, after a period of political uncertainty.
Political instability, financial constraints and allegations of irregularities in local administration have all featured in discussions about the council’s performance.
The CADC has constitutional responsibilities in areas including education and local administration. It is therefore important to examine not only the state’s financial allocations but also how the council uses its available resources and delivers services to residents.
The development of the region requires accountability at both levels of government.
What does the controversy tell us?
Surita’s apology addresses the comments she made about Mizo society and acknowledges that her statements about alleged discrimination against Chakmas were not based on personal experience.
The development challenges in the CADC, however, are a separate subject supported by years of reporting on infrastructure, education, healthcare, employment and disability access.
The existence of these inequalities does not automatically establish discrimination against an ethnic community. Similarly, an apology for unverified allegations does not mean that questions about development disparities and access to public services cease to exist.
Both issues require examination on their own merits.
The CADC was established to provide autonomy and protect the identity of the Chakma community. More than five decades later, the conditions documented in its jurisdiction raise questions about whether that autonomy has translated into meaningful improvements in people’s everyday lives.
Also Read: From Belgrade to New Delhi: How governments silence critics
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