The journey of the Suspension of Operations, popularly known as SoO, dates back to the year 2005, when the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and the United People’s Front (UPF) signed an agreement with the Government of India. Two years later, in 2008, a tripartite pact was signed which included the Manipur government.
The SoO agreement is to suspend all hostilities between the parties. The events took place when the UPA was in power, with Manmohan Singh in the Centre and O. Ibobi as the state chief minister. Eight years later, in 2016, formal talks were initiated. Narendra Modi of the BJP had taken over as Prime Minister of India, and O. Ibobi of the Congress was still the state chief minister.
Besides agreeing to suspend physical attacks, technically, under the SoO, the KNO and UPF are to stay in designated camps, their movement and arms are to be monitored, and they are to abstain from public extortion.
The KNO and UPF are umbrella groups of tribal insurgent groups representing the Kukis, Zomis and their kindred tribes. They comprise 25 armed organisations with more than two thousand cadres. Their main demand is to create a Territorial Council. The demand has now moved on to a Union Territory with a legislature ever since the 2023 crisis. They operate in the state of Manipur.
The groups claimed that they are not anti-India and that the fight for a separate administration is their legitimate right under the Constitution. They consistently asserted that the groups are not secessionist and that they are seeking a political settlement within the framework of the Indian Constitution.
Unlike the other insurgent outfits of Manipur, organisations under the KNO and the UPF were not listed as terrorist organisations by India’s Home Ministry. Nor have there ever been any major incidents involving the KNO and the UPF against the Indian forces.
More than 18 years have passed, and much water has flowed under the bridge since then. Several rounds of talks have been held in Delhi, Guwahati and Imphal. Four interlocutors have been engaged for the talks over the years. The SoO pact is being reviewed and extended periodically.
All these years, the political talks remained out of the public eye and off the record. If any progress may have been made, or no progress at all, these are not in the public domain. The Kuki, Zomi and kindred tribes are reportedly frustrated and sceptical. The KNO and UPF leadership too appear increasingly uneasy.
Then, out of the blue, in March 2023, a year into the new state BJP-led government, Biren Singh pulled out of the tripartite SoO deal. This was Singh’s second term as state chief minister.
Two months later, violence broke out on May 3, 2023, between the Kuki, Zomi and kindred tribes and the Meiteis. After 21 months into the crisis, Biren Singh tendered his resignation. The main reason the former CM of Manipur withdrew from the tripartite SoO was that the KNO and UPF were accused of being involved in poppy cultivation and related drug trade. It may be mentioned that after Biren Singh took over as state CM in his first term, he launched a “war on drugs” campaign in 2018.
It is unclear in the aftermath of the state government’s withdrawal from the pact in 2023 whether the SoO continues as a bipartite/bilateral agreement. Nevertheless, the SoO review and dialogue continue, with both Centre and state representatives participating.
Biren Singh had also alleged that the outfits were the force behind the opposition to the eviction drive in the Henglep and Churachandpur districts. KNO and UPF continue to be accused of forest encroachments and indulging in “illegal activities”, not only by the state government but also by civil society and the general public at large, the Meitei CSOs in particular. The Kuki outfits were consistently called out by the Meiteis as a “terrorist” organisation.
When mayhem broke out, the Kuki and Zomi insurgent groups were said to be in the forefront. Reels and pictures of armed youths allegedly said to be KNO and UPF cadres were circulated on social media. The groups were accused of violating SoO rules.
Eventually, the growing accusations led to demands for the abrogation of the SoO between the GoI and the KNO-UPF outfits. Street protests were held and memorandums submitted to authorities for an end to the suspension agreement.
As soon as the crisis engulfed Manipur in May 2023, every youth was immediately armed. Village volunteers were formed on both sides. Meitei radical groups like Arambai Tengol were seen openly moving about with sophisticated arms.
A report by Scroll.in on September 2, 2023, mentions that Meiteis were largely reliant on radicalised armed militias like the Arambai Tengols and even the state constables. The report also stated that several active Meitei militants had crossed over from Myanmar in the months of June and July, with weapons.
Whether the “official” insurgent groups are physically taking part or not in the crisis cannot be established, but the fact is that on both sides, all are armed. Boys and men volunteered and participated, either directly or indirectly, as frontline combatants or village guards, including women. Most significantly, the Gen Zs are waging a “digital war”.
Now, the Nagas have come into the picture, participating in the killings and joining the bandwagon of demanding that KNO and UPF be stripped of the SoO. The baggage of the Naga-Kuki conflict resurfaces, and the ethnic communities have once again re-ignited their enmity. Now, the Naga insurgent groups, the NSCN (IM) and the ZUF, have been frequently mentioned in the bloodbath. These groups are also said to be heavily armed.
The NSCN (and its factions) too have signed “Ceasefire Agreements” with the Government of India, back in 1997 and 2015. The ZUF (Zeliangrong United Front), another Naga armed group, has entered into a “Cessation of Operation” agreement with the GoI and Manipur. Meanwhile, the Meitei insurgent groups, such as the UNLF (United National Liberation Front), signed a “Peace Agreement” in 2023. Other Meitei insurgent groups are yet to sign any agreements or deals.
It is not clear whether there are differences or similarities between a “suspension of operation”, a “peace agreement”, a “ceasefire” or a “cessation of operation”.
The state Chief Minister stated in the latest Assembly session that village volunteers or groups like the Arambai Tengol should not be “banned” and that the arrest of any one of them is on an individual basis for a specific offence.
There is a blurred line between the volunteers, the insurgents, the violent protestors, those spewing hate and those indulging in digital crime. There is no clarity on who is legitimate and who is not. And in this mess and chaos, the question is: would the Suspension of Operations (SoO) between the government and certain insurgent groups be of any significance?
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