Manipur: Three years on, why has peace remained elusive despite new CM?

A lot has happened since the beginning of this year. After more than two and a half years of the Manipur crisis, the BJP—both in Delhi and in the state—has somehow managed to pull strings to end the eleven-month-long President’s Rule. The party has also finally found a replacement for N. Biren Singh.

Why it took so long to appoint a new Chief Minister for a state with a majority BJP government is surprising, though perhaps unsurprising for many observers.

There is no doubt that a good number of CM aspirants and senior heavyweights were in line to take over the chair. Perhaps the BJP leadership, unable to handle the scale of the disaster, has been in dismay.

It appears that the new Chief Minister, Yumnam Khemchand, a second-time MLA and less experienced than his predecessor, is acceptable to the general population at large. Among the many whose names often made it to the list of probable Chief Ministers, Yumnam Khemchand had figured prominently.

He is someone who never shies away from speaking his mind and is comparatively more appealing to the general public than former CM Biren Singh. Moreover, with the crisis erupting during his tenure and him being at the centre of it all, Biren Singh did not have much to defend himself with.

Throughout the crisis, Yumnam has been one of the most visible and active legislators. While other state BJP leaders did not make any worthwhile statements, let alone reach out to people, Yumnam has been someone who remains diplomatic and avoids controversial remarks. In fact, he is among those MLAs whose residence has not faced the wrath of a mob.

Better late than never, the central BJP leadership has finally put its foot down with its favoured choice. However, the damage done has been deep, and the mess that Yumnam has to clean up, along with the wounds that need healing, are neither simple nor easy.

Things have cooled down somewhat in terms of violence, though sporadic incidents continue to be reported at intervals. While tensions remain between the Meiteis and the Kuki-Zomi kindred tribes, violence has also erupted in other areas, such as between the Kukis and the Nagas.

There is fear and apprehension that Manipur could once again witness another round of ethnic violence, adding to the existing crisis.

Meanwhile, even as there is a common refrain that Manipur will take a long time to regain normalcy, efforts are not being made. At the CSO or community level, there is no visible or noteworthy initiative for building community relationships, let alone peace efforts.

The state government is making several attempts, most of which have failed. It remains to be seen what the new Chief Minister will bring to the table for a state that has been devastated for a long time.

As soon as Yumnam became Chief Minister, he immediately reached out to Kuki and Zomi legislators. His gestures, both symbolic and physical, were noteworthy.

Moreover, the formation of the government with two Deputy Chief Ministers—one a Naga and one a Kuki—has brought some semblance of governance returning to the state. Yumnam’s personal integrity and ability to build interpersonal relationships are strengths he can rely on. His diplomatic and measured choice of words in public statements also stands out.

At present, governance appears to be driven by visuals and the internet. Administration is being managed through intermediaries and online systems.

However, physical interactions between the two warring communities have yet to materialise. Neither the Meiteis nor the Kukis, Zomis, and kindred tribes are willing to venture into each other’s territories.

Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand’s first and foremost statement has been on internally displaced persons (IDPs), assuring that his government will ensure their return to their places of origin.

The conditions in relief centres in both the valley and the hills are more or less similar, marked by a lack of basic amenities and cramped spaces. While many IDPs in the valley have been shifted to temporary shelters, resettlement in the hills has not been reported.

Many relief camps have also reportedly been closed down—either officially by the government or merged with other centres for better management.

By 2025, many IDPs had moved out of relief centres to find their own means of livelihood. Still, a large number of families remain unable to afford to move out of these camps.

There have also been strong sentiments expressed by the displaced population. Many have insisted on returning home rather than being resettled elsewhere. Moreover, there are numerous accounts of mismanagement of relief and compensation.

A significant portion of the IDP population has reportedly been left out, while compensation has been described as merely “token” or nominal.

Among the many issues that need to be resolved, the return of the displaced population is likely to pose a major challenge in Manipur. While returning IDPs to their homes and villages is crucial, any forced or highly publicised move could create an undesirable situation.

This is a very real possibility that the state government must be mindful of. Rushing into actions that could go terribly wrong should be avoided.

Moreover, there are concerns about how deserted houses that have been illegally occupied will be reclaimed by their rightful owners, or how homes that have been razed to the ground will be rebuilt, and how entire colonies will regain their lost identities.

Will Yumnam’s personal and leadership skills work in a state that has been undergoing disastrous conflicts across multiple forms and levels? It is difficult to say.

Leadership within the state government is central to building peace, but this cannot materialise unless all state legislators, as representatives of the people, come together and work collectively towards it.

It is unfortunate that in Manipur, every Chief Minister tends to function like a “one-man army”. The CM is all-powerful, with most subject matters concentrated in that office. The present government appears no different—only the individual at the top has changed.

What is visible to the public, and reflected in the media, is largely the activity of the Chief Minister. The roles and contributions of the remaining 59 MLAs are rarely heard of, at least in public discourse.

More specifically, what are the roles and responsibilities of the two new Deputy Chief Ministers, one a Kuki and one a Naga? Are there no ministers with defined portfolios? Is Manipur being run solely by the Chief Minister, two nominal Deputy CMs, and one Home Minister?

Manipur needs a collective effort at all levels, most importantly within the state legislative assembly.

Also Read: New gecko species discovered in Assam’s Raimona landscape