The situation for refugees from Myanmar in Mizoram is becoming increasingly complex as the Union India’s Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) is pushing ahead with plans to collect biometric data and build border fencing. Chief Minister Lalduhoma and the Mizoram government had strongly opposed these moves in 2023 and 2024 on humanitarian principles. However, recent developments raise questions about whether the state government’s policy is shifting.
Since the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, UNHCR estimates that more than 55,000 mostly Chin refugees have fled across the border to India. However, actual numbers may be much higher. At least 40,150 are in Mizoram State alone, which borders Chin State. Another 8,250 are in Manipur, and 5,092 have presented themselves for registration in New Delhi.
Today, refugees from Myanmar face several challenges despite the Mizoram government’s efforts to accommodate them. They are not allowed to work, run business, or even rent housing without proper documentation or recommendation letters from local authorities. In some areas, their movement is restricted. And since India is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, these individuals are not under formal legal protection.
Policy Development
On March 17, 2025, during the 9th session of the Mizoram State Legislative Assembly, Home Minister Pu K. Sapdanga announced that the Mizoram government is coordinating with the Union MHA on the biometric data collection of refugees. He clarified that the process has not yet started due to technical issues, as the existing biometric data portal was originally developed for illegal migrants facing deportation. The Mizoram government has objected to using such a system for refugees fleeing political persecution in Myanmar.
In 2023, when the Union Home Ministry issued orders to begin biometric registration, the previous Mizo National Front’s government refused to cooperate, arguing that the move violated the rights and privacy of refugees and conflicted with the state’s humanitarian values.
Local reports suggest that civil society organizations, such as branches of the Young Mizo Association (YMA), have been approached to assist with the biometric registration process. In 2023, the Mara Thyutlia Py (MTP), a local organization in Siaha reportedly helped collect refugees’ personal information data such as name, photo and address, as well as be fingerprinted and undergo iris recognition, allegedly under instructions from the MHA.
In neighboring Manipur, over 5,400 refugee biometric profiles have been recorded, and more than 40 individuals have been deported. Deportation plans for others are reportedly underway. Currently, only 22 of 43 designated border entry points are operational, with Assam Rifles stationed to record biometric data and personal details from new arrivals.
Shifting Stance?
This raises a critical question: why has CM Lalduhoma remained relatively silent on these developments, especially on the Free Regime Movement (FRM) and biometric registration? Has the Zoram People’s Movement (ZPM) administration shifted its stance?
Recently, CM Lalduhoma spoke about over 2,000 Western visitors arriving in Mizoram within 7 months in 2024, especially from the UK and US, and accused most of them of traveling to Chin State to help resistance forces in Myanmar. He emphasized that “unrestricted movement has heightened security risks.”
However, MNF Rajya Sabha member K. Vanlalvena has accused that Lalduhoma of causing more suffering for “our brothers.” The CM’s position appears linked to the Central government’s decision to reimpose Protected Area Permits that limit foreigners’ movements. As a result, many foreigners, particularly Chin people with US citizenship trying to visit their displaced relatives in Mizoram, are being denied entry at New Delhi airports and deported, according to local sources.
Notably, CM Lalduhoma previously stated that it is incorrect for people of the same ethnic group (living on either side of the border) to be separated. However, his tone has since changed: “While we value freedom of movement, the central government’s decision on this matter is necessary, and might lead to positive outcomes.”
One politically symbolic event was the relocation of the Assam Rifles’ operational office from the heart of Aizawl to Zokhawsang, 15 km away. In 1988, Assam Rifles were responsible for killing several civilians during a crackdown. The MNF had long demanded the relocation. Although the Union Home Minister ordered the move in 2019, the BJP government delayed the process. Surprisingly, the ZPM government, which came to power in late 2023, managed to implement the relocation swiftly.
It also handed over the airport, previously under Mizo ownership, to the Indian Air Force. Some observers suggest that this cooperation with the central government may come at the cost of weakening state resistance on refugee and border issues. It seems like the ZPM favours behind closed door negotiation with Dehli, unlike the previous MNF administration’s confrontational approach.
Real Concerns
This brings us to a central concern: why does the Indian government want to collect biometric data from refugee? What are its real objectives? Will refugees gain any legal rights, such as access to education, healthcare, or legal protection, as a result? Or will the data be used for surveillance and potential deportation?
Skepticism is growing. Even the UN agency UNHCR had previously shared personal information data of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar with Bangladesh, which then shared the data with Myanmar, putting those refugees at risk according to Human Rights Watch.
Similarly, trust is pretty low especially since India has been supporting Myanmar’s military junta (SAC) with technical assistance, including biometric data systems. There are growing fears that this sensitive data could be handed over to the junta, which is planning a sham election this year, potentially using the data to track, intimidate, or punish refugees and their families. Another concern is whether the SAC might exploit this data to fill census gaps in Chin State, where they have been unable to collect population data due to its lost control on the ground.
Whatever India’s intentions may be, they must clearly articulate the purpose of this biometric data collection. Under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, the right to life and personal liberty is guaranteed. Myanmar refugees in India soil deserve this same protection. It should also be recognized that without adequate safeguards, collecting biometric data is not assistance. It is surveillance.
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