How will Manipur ensure NRC before ending the conflict?

For the past few weeks, people in Manipur have been conducting widespread agitations and protests. In return, many protesters have faced lathi charges, tear gas and other forms of force from the state.

The resistance became more visible when the government began conducting Census-related training programmes. On 12 August, the Justice for Fair Delimitation (JFD) disrupted one such programme at Bishnupur.

The opposition then went beyond one organisation, as people across the state began expressing their resistance. The JFD-called general strike also received widespread support. The slogan “No NRC, No Census” was no longer heard only on social media. It began to be heard on the streets and in everyday political discussions.

The demand itself is not new. For many people, conducting an NRC before the Census has become an important political demand. Their argument is simple: before counting the population, there should first be an NRC.

During the agitation, people were beaten and subjected to tear gas by the state forces. However, at a homecoming programme for KCP-Taibanganba cadres at the 1st MR ground on 18 August, Chief Minister Khemchand Singh stated that the BJP-led government supports the NRC even as Census-related programmes continued.

This created an apparent contradiction between what the Chief Minister was saying and what the government was doing on the ground.

The situation turned serious when police pursued civil society organisations (CSOs), and an FIR was filed against one CSO leader. On one hand, the Chief Minister assured people that the BJP government supports the NRC and their demand. On the other hand, people who were organising and leading the movement were being searched for and pursued by state forces.

After weeks of painful agitation, lathi charges, tear gas, sleepless nights on the streets, repeated bandhs and protests, and growing pressure from the people, Chief Minister Khemchand Singh met Union Home Minister Amit Shah in New Delhi on 31 August 2026 to discuss the demand for an NRC before the Census.

Following the meeting, it was reported that the Centre had deferred the Census exercise in Manipur. However, an official government notification has not yet been produced.

As the 8th session of the Manipur Legislative Assembly began on 2 September, the House passed a resolution calling for an NRC before the Census. However, the Opposition argued over the proposed base year of 1951, which could not be included in the final resolution.

Khemchand Singh was welcomed at the BJP office after returning from Delhi. They were pleased with the Union Home Minister. The BJP government does want the NRC, as the Chief Minister had stated earlier.

But a question remains. If the government really wanted to update the NRC, why did it attempt to conduct the Census in the first place, despite objections? Why were Census training programmes conducted when calls for NRC before the Census were already being raised?

Why were necessary steps not taken earlier, before the situation developed into weeks of agitation, protests, bandhs and clashes with the security forces? Whose approval or order was the government waiting for during these past few weeks?

Or does the Manipur government not have the guts to take such decisions on its own for the good of the people? This is a question that cannot simply be wished away. How much freedom does the Manipur government really have in taking major decisions concerning the state?

Many believe that the Manipur government functions largely as a proxy for Delhi. Whether one agrees with this perception or not, it has already entered the political consciousness of many people.

So, was Delhi the authority that the state government was waiting for all this time? And another question remains: if Delhi had not given an assurance to update the NRC, would the BJP government in Manipur still have supported the demand, or would it have continued with the Census process despite the people’s opposition?

For the moment, the NRC and Census have become the hottest political issues in Manipur. Eventually, as has often happened in Manipur, another issue may emerge and take their place. But the immediate demand remains clear: people want the NRC before the Census.

Many people genuinely want this. The protests, bandhs and public response demonstrate the strength of the demand. But another question must be asked: is this movement entirely the result of genuine public interests, or can the State also use such a demand for its own political purposes?

Could the issue of the NRC also be a part of the election strategy? With elections fast approaching, the ruling BJP may feel the need to prove that it represents the interests of the people and is in tune with their wishes.

The government might be aware of how badly people want the NRC before the Census but may choose to delay the implementation. After all, it is possible for the government to comply with this demand at the best possible moment and portray it as a political achievement, claiming that it gave in to public pressure.

This does not mean the demand is being orchestrated by the state. People can genuinely demand something while the government simultaneously uses that demand for political advantage.

If the government eventually gives people what they want, it may receive political credit and possibly greater support. In this sense, the government’s political interest and the people’s interest can temporarily overlap.

But another question concerns me more: what happens to the larger political questions of Manipur while all this is happening? The conflict has not ended. People are still suffering, communities remain divided, and questions about displacement, security, political responsibility, governance and the future of the state remain unresolved.

Yet the NRC issue has taken centre stage. One political issue can therefore temporarily overshadow another. People who were previously asking when the conflict would end may now be focusing on whether NRC will happen before the Census. The conflict does not disappear, but public attention towards it may weaken.

If the government eventually implements the NRC before the Census, will people consider the matter settled? Will they feel that the government has finally listened to them and support the ruling government for fulfilling their demand?

Or will they continue to ask the more difficult questions about the conflict, its causes, the government’s responsibility and the need for a lasting political solution?

This is the question that remains unanswered. The NRC demand may be genuine, and the people’s anger may be genuine. But genuine public movements can also become part of political strategies created by those in power.

Therefore, what we are witnessing should not be understood only as a movement against the government. We should also examine how the State responds to it, how it shapes public expectations, when it chooses to act, and how political parties may eventually convert a people’s demand into political legitimacy.

The important question is not simply whether NRC should happen before the Census. The deeper question is: who benefits politically from the demand, who controls the timing of its fulfilment, and what happens to the unresolved conflicts of Manipur when public attention is directed towards it?

Views expressed are that of the author and do not reflect EastMojo’s stance on this or any other issue. The author is the Former President Manipur Students’ Association Delhi.

Also Read: Explained: Why Assam can’t be an example for NRC in Manipur